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Real Madrid respond to Manchester United’s move for Eduardo Camavinga

March 20, 2023 by metro.co.uk Leave a Comment

Real Madrid are in talks with Eduardo Camavinga over a new deal at the club following interest from Manchester United in the midfielder.

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The Frenchman joined the Spanish giants from Rennes in 2021, signing a six-year deal.

While the midfielder has impressed at the Bernabeu, he’s only started just over half of the club’s La Liga matches this term.

The likes of Luka Modric and Toni Kroos have proved difficult to displace, with Carlo Ancelotti still counting on the veterans.

United were interested in signing Camavinga 18 months ago but he made it clear that his preference was to move to Spain.

However, reports in Spain say United have expressed an interest in signing Camavinga and would be willing to offer him more regular first team football.

Madrid showed their willingness to sell for the right price last summer when Casemiro joined United in a £60m deal.

Reports say United would be willing to shatter their club transfer record to sign Camavinga, which could appeal to Madrid.

But the Athletic say the La Liga giants have no intention of letting the midfielder leave and are instead in talks with him over a new deal.

A new contract would see Camavinga significantly increase his salary but Madrid are keen to include an extortionate release clause of around £1bn to protect their investment in him.

That would end United’s interest – at least in the short-term – in signing Camavinga.

MORE : Mikel Arteta angry with Arsenal’s defending from set-pieces despite win against Crystal Palace

MORE : Chelsea striker Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang celebrates with Barcelona players after Real Madrid win at Camp Nou

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Women’s tennis works to safeguard against predatory coaches

March 20, 2023 by www.thestar.com Leave a Comment

Lindsay Brandon is a lawyer whose past clients include athletes disputing doping suspensions. In her new post as the WTA’s first director of safeguarding, Brandon is leading an increased effort to protect athletes from predatory coaches — and others — on the women’s professional tennis tour.

“Safeguarding is about emotional abuse. Physical abuse, as well. And it’s not just coach-athlete,” Brandon said in a telephone interview from the BNP Paribas Open, which wrapped up Sunday in Indian Wells, California, and was the first tournament she visited as part of the job she began 3 1/2 months ago.

“There are other people that are part of this process,” Brandon told The Associated Press. “There can be athlete-to-athlete issues. There can be issue with respect to training staff separate from coaches. Those are just some of the examples.”

Her priorities include managing the WTA security team’s investigations of complaints — she did not reveal how many are currently active — and “monitoring any potential concerns,” along with improving education and creating a safeguarding code of conduct she hopes will be published in 2024.

The aim of that code, which Brandon said is separate from a general code of conduct that already exists, is to create a rulebook that outlines behavioral standards and establishes procedures to follow if a matter arises. It will apply to anyone who is credentialed “in the WTA environment,” Brandon said, including players, coaches, physiotherapists, other members of entourages, tournament staff and tour staff.

“Safeguarding is multifaceted and strongest when the entire population is educated, invested and held to the same standards. … We have a diverse body of players, staff and support teams, so the challenges and areas of concern will vary. As the governing body, our focus is making sure that players feel they can come forward and share their concerns, which plays a critical role in being able to address the issues that may be at hand,” WTA Chairman and CEO Steve Simon said in an email to The Associated Press.

Might be hard to gauge the success of such an initiative so soon, but Simon found at least one positive measure.

“We are seeing more athletes coming forward,“ he said, ”which is a great initial result.”

Adding what Simon called “the expertise of a dedicated safeguarding position” is the biggest public-facing step taken by the Florida-based WTA in this area since the issue of protecting players drew increased attention last year: A French player once ranked as high as No. 39 accused her former coach of rape; another player sued the U.S. Tennis Association for failing to protect her from a coach she says sexually abused her at one of its training centers when she was 19; 2002 International Tennis Hall of Fame inductee Pam Shriver , who won 21 Grand Slam titles in women’s doubles, said she “had an inappropriate and damaging relationship with my much older coach” that began when she was 17 and he was 50.

“Maybe we need to talk more to players and tell them what’s going on with everything so they know to be careful,” said two-time Grand Slam finalist Ons Jabeur, a 28-year-old from Tunisia. “Maybe it’s never enough and we should do more.”

Simon expressed a similar sentiment during an interview at the tour’s season-ending championships in November.

“We have … background checks on our coaches. We have an athlete assistance program in place. We have mental health experts who are here to help if there’s an emotional issue. We have all sorts of education programs. We have investigators coming in,” he said. “One of the things that we’re educating everybody on is: We need to help ourselves. If you see it, you need to report it. We need to work with our players to have them learn to set up the appropriate boundaries around themselves and what’s right and what’s wrong.”

Brandon, who said she played tennis through high school and for one tournament in college, came to the WTA after about seven years working for Howard Jacobs, a well-known sports lawyer who recently helped tennis pro Varvara Lepchenko get a doping ban reduced from four years to 21 months.

“Lindsay’s knowledge in this area (applicable rules, inappropriate behavior, etc.) is likely more in-depth than anyone the WTA could have hired for this role,” Jacobs wrote in an email to the AP.

Brandon planned to travel to the Miami Open, where play begins Tuesday, and “as many tournaments as I reasonably can this year,” including smaller events where younger players compete.

“The earlier you can provide support and outreach to these athletes, the better,” Brandon said. “I tell people that I don’t want to just be a response resource; I want to be a support resource and a preventative resource, as well.”

___

AP tennis: https://apnews.com/hub/tennis and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

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‘They will go back to not caring’: Surviving the cycle of people ‘discovering’ anti-black racism

July 1, 2020 by www.independent.co.uk Leave a Comment

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Rianna Walcott has been doing anti-racism work for years. As co-founder of Project Myopia , an initiative that seeks to diversify university curricula, and a black feminist scholar, she has long carried the workload of educating people on racism and anti-blackness in society. But in the last month – since the death of George Floyd and subsequent global Black Lives Matter protests – a time that might seem (from the outside) as a breakthrough for such educators, Walcott has been too drained to engage with the online conversations. It has, in short, been exhausting.

Because Walcott, like many other black people, has seen it all before. “There’s a horrible sense of inevitability that it will end as all have ended and frankly, I’m very wary of how this moment always equates to more work for me,” she tells The Independent . “We know people will notice for a bit and then go back to not caring and we’re left with [trying] to make them care again.”

The last few weeks have felt especially hard to live and survive as a black person. From being confronted with how we’re four times more likely to die of Covid-19 than white people; to continuously grieving black victims of state violence , like Floyd and Breonna Taylor in the USA, to disputing the very existence of racism with the British prime minister. Historian Jade Bentil describes this persistent anti-blackness, as a “framework through which we can understand how societies are organised around black people always living in close proximity to death”; the world, as we know it, is organised by anti-blackness and it shapes everyday life.

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Processing all this is traumatic for black people, but this trauma is further compounded by having to watch non-black people spending the same period “discovering” anti-blackness, in many cases seemingly for the first time.

This urgent need to broadcast their realisations spurned the posting of black squares on Instagram for #BlackOutTuesday, which ultimately took over the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag and drowned out resources that have been created by black organisers, as well as the circulation and adoption of text templates for how to speak to black people during these times. Many of us received check-in messages from non-black people – some of whom we haven’t spoken to in years or, in some cases, never before – looking to have their guilt assuaged, letting us know they had donated to bail funds or asking for readings lists and recommendations.

Black creatives found themselves tagged on every kind of ‘10 black people you should be following’, leading to hordes of new non-black followers viewing us as resources who could offer them some profound soundbites, rather than people. We watched in real-time as brands and organisations developed their PR strategies to desperately highlight how they stand with black voices and communities ; aligning yourself with Black Lives Matter is the new black.

But among all these lightbulb moments for non-black people and pleas to hand hold, coach and demonstrate patience during a moment of learning for them – where are the guidelines for black people on how to deal with the emotional and mental fallout from sudden sweeping interest into our lives? And where is the guide to dealing with the fact that this urgency will no doubt wane once the “moment” passes?

Since mid-May, activists like Walcott have found themselves with a marked surge in requests for interviews, podcasts and general consultancy – often for free: “You’ll get someone in your DMs [saying], ‘You must be so busy and overwhelmed but I’m going to ask you this request anyway’ or ‘You must be so busy but do you have time for a phone call?’ We could talk in August, we could talk in October – we’ll still all be black people in academia and medicine then, why do we need to talk right now? I have to clear my schedule because you’ve decided that racism matters right now.”

Walcott also highlights the ways that black people are living through more than one pandemic and how this panicked rush to demonstrate support means that it feels that only one form of anti-blackness can be spotlighted at one time: “Anti-black racism isn’t going away and neither is Covid-19 so it concerns me that people have stopped talking about how black people have been disproportionately affected by this pandemic. People talk about racism as if it’s one big thing and that thing is police brutality. Other forms of racism become less important because people are unable to look at the totality of racism.”

Lee Chambers , a psychologist and wellbeing consultant, says this multi-layered trauma is undoubtedly impacting the mental and emotional health of black people “If we consider the fact that there is an expected global mental health crisis due to Covid-19 alone, the amplified strain of dealing with racism is hard to bear. We all have our own personal journey with racism, and the current situation opens up our past experiences,” he says.

The emotional drain is only further heightened if you’re a black person who is active online and therefore privy to the periodic “awakening” of non-black people encountering anti-blackness without any awareness for the longstanding conversations that black people have been flagging.

Stunning aerial shots show global Black Lives Matter crowds on 6 June

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“[Real engagement] is dwarfed by the sheer amount of non-black people suddenly declaring heightened self-awareness and compassion,” Chambers adds. “They’ve monopolised the conversation, drowned out the activists and those that live the cause, and most importantly for wellbeing, their sudden enlightenment isn’t congruent with their actions and how they live.”

Counsellor and therapist Richard Stephenson adds that, during these times of unrest, the pressure placed on black people isn’t just felt as part of a community, but as individuals too, with people having to make autonomous decisions around how to handle the limelight: “A common thought process (albeit unconscious) can be: ‘Part of me wants to push forward whilst the momentum is here and another part wants it all to blow over due to the fear of alienation and possible rejection.’ This creates an internal impasse.”

For precarious workers and freelancers they may feel the additional burden of financial stability being tied with engaging, feeling it is the only real option they have. But as Walcott notes, these periods of piqued interest can actually do more harm than good: “I think it’s impossible to get involved in these conversations in a way that’s meaningful if it’s your year-round work. It’s not a moment for us, it’s for white people to feel comforted and like they’ve learned a little bit.”

The conversation will move on, the tweets and posts of support peter out, normal service will resume. “Through somewhat disengaging, I’ve tried to protect myself from the inevitable hurt of this passing because that’s what it is: hurtful,” Walcott shares. “We’re already watching the conversation shift and if you try to talk about these issues that specifically impact black people, it’s framed as a derailment of the conversation, as if these conversations are entirely distinct when they are actually pervasive and overarching.”

She highlights the phrase “ allyship fatigue ”, a term coined to describe “being overwhelmed and exhausted of the emotions that come with doing the work of being an ally”. Walcott says: “It’s incredible that terms have been coined for when inevitably non-black people stop caring.”

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In order to combat the emotional and mental fallout of this, both Chambers and Stephenson stress the importance of seeking professional help, if you’re able, and specifically try to connect with black therapists; projects like Black Minds Matter UK and LGBTQIA+ Therapy Fund have been specifically set up to aid black folks with making connections with mental health services.

Alongside considering meditation, exercise and limiting time spent online, Chambers believes that, above all, we should try to commune with other black people, rather than emotionally isolate: “Connect and talk with those who understand. Find safe spaces to vent and express your emotions…let’s do what we can to keep ourselves well.”

The strain of anti-racism education is placed on black people 365 days a year, but at times like these – with timelines filled with violence against black people and state failures to protect black communities – it is particularly taxing. While non-black support should objectively be a valuable resource, it means little when it places additional strain on overworked black voices, or co-opts and waters down a message, before falling silent once more.

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FDIC to break up SVB, seeks separate sale of private unit

March 20, 2023 by economictimes.indiatimes.com Leave a Comment

Synopsis

It will seek bids for Silicon Valley Private Bank until March 22 and for the bridge bank until March 24. The private bank, which is housed within SVB’s retail operations, caters to high net-worth individuals.

The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation on Monday decided to break up Silicon Valley Bank ( SVB ) and hold two separate auctions for its traditional deposits unit and its private bank after failing to find a buyer for the failed lender last week.

It will seek bids for Silicon Valley Private Bank until March 22 and for the bridge bank until March 24. The private bank, which is housed within SVB’s retail operations, caters to high net-worth individuals.

Bank and non-bank financial firms will be allowed to bid on the asset portfolios, the regulator said.

Last week, sources told Reuters that the FDIC was planning to relaunch the sale process for SVB, with the regulator seeking a potential break-up of the failed lender.

The parent company of the lender SVB Financial Group had on Friday filed for a reorganization under Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection and sought buyers for its assets after steps to shore up investor confidence failed. The FDIC, which insures deposits and manages receiverships, had informed banks mulling offers in the auctions for SVB and Signature Bank that it was considering retaining some of the assets that are underwater.

Reuters reported on Sunday that the efforts of some U.S. regional banks to raise capital and allay fears about their health are running up against concerns from potential buyers and investors about looming losses in their assets.

The run on the bank was sparked by balance-sheet concerns after the lender sold a portfolio of treasuries and mortgage-backed securities to Goldman Sachs at a $1.8 billion loss and then attempted to plug that hole through a $2.25 billion fundraising.

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After weeks of protest in Belarus, ‘Europe’s last dictator’ looks set to stay in power

August 23, 2020 by www.telegraph.co.uk Leave a Comment

One week ago, it looked like it could be the end of Alexander Lukashenko’s iron-fisted 26-year rule. But after days of declining protests in the aftermath of a rigged election, the anti-government movement has been starved of oxygen and many believe he will stay put.

Alexander Lukashenko, the country’s leader of 26 years, was publicly booed during a factory tour in the days following the vote, and seemed on the cusp of being toppled by a growing opposition movement.

But now, industrial strikes are already fizzling out.

“Some workshops that went on strike have given up under management pressure, some are holding out,” said Andrei, a worker at a fertiliser plant in the border town of Hrodna, told the Telegraph after flashing a victory sign to the protesters.

“Workers are just too scared,” he said, motioning to three policemen standing by the gate and one plainclothes officer filming the workers and the protesters.

But it was the Lukashenko regime that was initially nervous.

In what was largely seen as a death knell for Mr Lukashenko who unleashed riot police on peaceful demonstrators across the country following his dubious re-election on Aug 9, blue-collar workers – Belarus’ lifeblood – started to rebel.

On Friday Aug 14, several hundred workers of Hrodna Azot plant poured out of the factory gate to join the city’s largest protest in history.

By then, dozens of factories across the country including the hugely important Minsk Tractor Work last week were on strike, staging walk-outs and halting production in the most palpable blow to the Lukashenko regime.

Earlier that week, the country’s president, who has for years portrayed himself as the champion of the working class, was heckled by workers at a Minsk factory and left in a helicopter with the crowds of protesters gathering outside.

Many were comparing Mr Lukashenko’s position to that of Romania’s dictator Nikolai Ceausescu in 1989.

Several days later, some workers had their entry passes suspended and some received legal warnings, threatened with dismissal unless they got back to work.

The general strike never happened, sparing Mr Lukashenko from the immediate danger of a revolution.

“One of the main reasons why Lukashenko has survived is the fact that attempts to intimidate workers were successful, and strikes have stopped growing by leaps and bounds,” Minsk-based political analyst Artyom Shraybman told the Sunday Telegraph, adding that the workers at state-owned factories are too scared to lose their stable jobs. Their grievances at this point are not about the economy but about values.

In a sign of just how terrified the Belarusian dictator is of the workers’ movement, investigators on Friday questioned Sergei Dylevsky, a worker from the Minsk Tractor Works, for several hours in connection with his role in an ad-hoc opposition council that Mr Lukashenko is portraying as an illegal attempt to topple him.

“They have been trying hard to intimidate workers but it’s not like the strikes have stopped altogether – we’re taking a pause to find legal backing for industrial action,” Mr Dylevsky told the Telegraph after the questioning. “Workers are too tough to be cowed into submission.”

Like the rest of the country, the town of Hrodna near the border with Poland and Lithuania rose up last week after the brutal police crackdown following Mr Lukashenko’s re-election.

Three nights of savage beatings by riot police and two days with no internet connection triggered a wave of anti-Lukashenko demonstrations and industrial strikes that gripped the city’s factories.

Feeling the heat of the protests, Hrodna’s City Hall on Monday formally agreed to meet some of the protesters’ demands, allowing them to rally on the main square, vowing to prevent further violence and even giving them air time on state-owned TV.

Police stopped harassing people and disappeared from the streets. But like in the rest of the country, the victory was short-lived.

On Thursday, less than 1,000 people listlessly roamed the vast main square with the Lenin statue in the middle as a loudspeaker in a patrol police car was warning demonstrators about an unlawful assembly.

“People got tired, and the opposition needs to come up with something new,” 69-year old Nikolay Korniychenko told the Sunday Telegraph as demonstrators chanted “Go away!” aimed at Mr Lukashenko.

“The pressure on workers has been too much. They pressure your family and friends, and people stay put.”

Nationwide rallies last Sunday showed an unprecedented show of force of the leaderless opposition against Mr Lukashenko.

But the euphoria that filled the streets of Belarusian cities proved hard to sustain as the opposition did not win a single major concession from the government.

Mr Lukashenko on Saturday ordered his defence minister to take “stringent measures” to defend the country’s territorial integrity.

He denounced the protests, which he said were receiving support from Western countries, and ordered the army to defend western Belarus, which he described as “a pearl”.

“It involves taking the most stringent measures to protect the territorial integrity of our country,” Mr Lukashenko said.

Yet, the unhinged violence of riot police deployed by the regime across the nation has killed off the little trust that people may have had in Mr Lukashenko, and that loss appears to be irreparable.

“He doesn’t care about anyone but himself,” Mr Korniychenko said of Mr Lukashenko.

“I can’t imagine how we can keep on living with him. How can we?”

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