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Marjorie Taylor Greene Says Satan ‘Sells Abortion’ to Women

April 30, 2022 by www.newsweek.com Leave a Comment

Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene has said Satan is responsible for inducing women to have abortions by selling the procedure and whispering into their ears and “into your soul.”

The Republican, who represents Georgia’s 14th congressional district, made the comments in an interview with right-wing Catholic activist Michael Voris of the website Church Militant.

Greene’s conversation with Voris had previously made headlines when she claimed the Roman Catholic Church was controlled by Satan as she slammed the Church’s position on undocumented migrants.

During a section of the April 21 interview that focused on abortion and is now gaining attention, Greene told Voris: “Abortion is a lie that Satan sells to women. He sells it to ’em.”

“When Satan sells a sin, it’s not loud,” Greene said. “It’s whispered, softly and gently into your ears and into your soul.”

“And he tells you it’s OK,” Greene said. “And he says. ‘It’s just this one thing. You’re just gonna get it done, get it over with.’ And then he tells you a promise. He promises you all these dreams that you have in your heart.”

“And that’s how Satan sells a sin, and that’s how he sells abortion ,” she went on.

“He tells a woman that, ‘All you have to do is, you’re just gonna go to this clinic, just gonna get it over with, you know. And then you’re going to—that guy, he’s going to stay with you, that boyfriend or the guy, whoever he is. He’s gonna marry you, sweep you off your feet,'” Greene said.

Greene added that Satan may promise the woman she will now be able to finish school or “pursue that career and all your dreams are gonna come true but it’s the greatest lie.”

She said that “being a mother is what makes a woman’s dreams comes true. It is what gives you the energy inside, the reason why, the love.”

“It makes you work harder and longer than you ever could without children because you have a reason, you have your children. And children fulfil a mother,” Greene said, adding that it was the same for fathers.

The Republican congresswoman caused controversy and pushback when she told Voris “Satan’s controlling the church, the church is not doing its job” and the footage circulated online.

Catholic League President Bill Donohue said that Greene had “slandered” Roman Catholics and should apologize. She responded by demanding that Donohue apologize to her but also clarified that she was referring to the leadership of the Church and not Catholics generally.

“It’s the church leadership I was referring to when I invoked the Devil,” Greene said.

“The bishops know that, but had their loyal lapdog pretend I was being disrespectful about the faith. Just so we’re clear, bishops, when I said ‘controlled by Satan,’ I wasn’t talking about the Catholic Church. I was talking about you,” she said.

Green is an Evangelical Protestant but described herself as “a cradle Catholic” who was born into the Church but left after she realized she “could not trust the Church leadership to protect my children from pedophiles .”

She was referring to the well-documented history of alleged child sexual abuse by Catholic clergy.

Newsweek has asked Representative Greene’s office for comment.

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Happy Valley’s Mollie Winnard burst into tears after Mel B’s reaction to domestic abuse storyline

February 4, 2023 by metro.co.uk Leave a Comment

Happy Valley ’s Mollie Winnard was overwhelmed by Mel B’s reaction to her performance as a victim of domestic abuse in the BBC blockbuster drama.

The Coronation Street star, 25, portrays Joanna Hepworth in the Sally Wainwright series, which also stars James Norton as Tommy Lee Royce and Sarah Lancashire as Catherine Cawood.

Joanna is married to the vile and toxic Rob Hepworth (Mark Stanley) who regularly beats up his wife and controls every aspect of her life – even locking the fridge to prevent her from eating outside of his designated hours.

Mel B, who has been open about her experience of domestic violence and campaigned for women’s rights since ending her marriage with producer Stephen Belafonte, who denies the allegations, said the plot resonated with her.

Praising Mollie’s portrayal of Joanna, the 47-year-old wrote that the ‘glassy-eyed and battered’ character ‘wasn’t a woman I knew, this was a woman I was’ in The Independent .

Ahead of the gripping series final, Mollie spoke to Metro.co.uk about how honoured she was to have given a ‘truthful’ performance, saying she cried when she first learned of the pop icon’s reaction.

She said: ‘I did cry a little, I’m not gonna lie.

‘When I was younger, I actually used to have the Spice Girls ’ videotape and I’ve been a massive fan of the Spice Girls all my life.

‘To hear that kind of praise, from somebody who I’ve always kind of thought was amazing, just made everything worth it.

‘Especially because she’s already been through what Joanna has been through; the fact that I’ve therefore given a truthful portrayal, that’s all the praise I want to hear really.’

She added: ‘Mel B is such an inspirational woman for overcoming that.’

Who to call if you need help

For emotional support you can call the National Domestic Violence Hotline, run by Refuge and Women’s Aid, on 0808 2000 247.

If you are in an LGBT relationship you can also call the helpline run by Broken Rainbow and Galop UK, on 0300 999 5428 or 0800 9995428.

Male victims can call also the Men’s Advice Line on 0808 801 0327.

Mollie, whose character Joanna is murdered by evil pharmacist Faisal Bhatti (Amit Shah), also said she has no idea how Happy Valley ends – and is looking forward to tuning into the final like the rest of the nation on Saturday.

Of course, all the cast have been keeping very quiet about the drama’s conclusion, although Neil Ackryod actor Con O’Neill teased it was ‘ extraordinary ’ while James, 37, described it as ‘ magical ’.

Happy Valley concludes on Sunday at 9pm on BBC One and iPlayer.

Got a story?

If you’ve got a celebrity story, video or pictures get in touch with the Metro.co.uk entertainment team by emailing us [email protected], calling 020 3615 2145 or by visiting our Submit Stuff page – we’d love to hear from you.

MORE : Happy Valley fans seriously doubt Tommy is Ryan’s real father – and here’s the ‘curveball’ character they think is

MORE : Happy Valley’s Mollie Winnard clears up fan theory about why Poppy Hepworth always wears coat

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David Carrick: Women describe in court how they were raped, controlled and degraded by ‘evil’ Met Police officer

February 6, 2023 by news.sky.com Leave a Comment

Women have described in court how they were violently raped, controlled and degraded by an “evil” Metropolitan Police officer who they feared was too “powerful” to be reported for his crimes.

David Carrick was branded a “monster” who carried out a “catalogue of violent and brutal sexual offences” when he appeared at London’s Southwark Crown Court, where he is being sentenced for dozens of crimes against 12 women.

The 48-year-old has previously pleaded guilty to 49 charges – including 24 counts of rape – after he was unmasked as one of Britain’s most prolific sex offenders last month.

The court heard that Carrick held a gun to the head of one woman before repeatedly raping her and threatened to use his police baton on another victim.

He also sent one of his victims a photograph of himself with a work-issue firearm, saying: “Remember I am the boss.”

Prosecutor Tom Little KC said Carrick – who was sacked by the Met Police after his guilty pleas – should face a life sentence for his crimes but the case “falls short of meriting” a whole-life order.

He said Carrick’s offences over a 17-year period increased in “frequency” and in “the level of humiliation being inflicted”.

“The reality was that it did not matter who the victim was… he would rape them, sexually abuse/assault them and humiliate them,” the prosecutor said.

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Clancy DuBos: Court, party enable domestic abusers

February 6, 2023 by www.theadvocate.com Leave a Comment

Women’s rights advocates have long known that Louisiana is a lousy place to be a woman. Now, sadly, our state has earned yet another dubious distinction: It’s becoming a great place to be a domestic abuser.

From gender-based income disparities to maternal mortality rates to the rate at which men rape and murder women, Louisiana consistently ranks at or near the top all the “worst” lists. To anyone familiar with our state’s history of legal and cultural misogyny, this is old news.

More recently, however, from two seemingly disparate sources, comes great news for domestic abusers.

On Feb. 2, the U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the Second Amendment protects an individual’s right to possess a gun even if that individual is under a restraining order for domestic violence — and even if a judge determines that individual poses “a credible threat to the physical safety” of his victim or her child.

A week earlier, the Orleans Parish Democratic Executive Committee (OPDEC) endorsed Steven Kennedy , who was convicted 10 years ago of three counts of domestic abuse — two of them involving strangulation. Kennedy, who says he has mended his ways and wants to be a “role model” for youth, is an OPDEC member and one of six candidates in the Feb. 18 special election in state House District 93 in New Orleans.

There’s a lot to unpack in those two decisions.

For starters, the 5th Circuit’s jurisdiction includes Louisiana. The court’s decision thus jeopardizes a Louisiana law that allows judges to disarm violent domestic abusers, which in turn endangers domestic abuse victims. Statistics show that an abuser’s access to guns makes it five times more likely that a woman will be killed.

“Louisiana ranks 5th in the nation for domestic abuse homicides and has been in the top 10 states for such horrors since anyone has been counting,” said attorney Kim Sport, a longtime advocate for domestic-abuse victims who helped convince state legislators to enact Louisiana’s tough anti-domestic abuse laws.

Sport and several OPDEC members want the committee to rescind its endorsement of Kennedy, who most recently pleaded guilty in 2017 to disturbing the peace after being accused yet again of domestic abuse. OPDEC, which made its endorsement decision hastily (and, some members say, without a quorum), has since affirmed its support of Kennedy, and committee leaders won’t comment on the controversy. Others are not staying silent.

New Orleans state Rep. Aimee Adatto Freeman, an OPDEC member, called the endorsement “deeply disturbing.” OPDEC member Elizabeth Sangisetty said it sends “a very disturbing message to women.”

Kennedy insists his past does not reflect his future, but otherwise he’s not commenting. His claim that, having turned his life around, he wants to be a “role model” for young people raises an important question: How best can someone who has stumbled serve as a role model? The first step, of course, is to truly mend one’s ways. The second, it would seem, is to work in the trenches with at-risk youth who desperately need role models — and to do it for a length of time that shows a real commitment to community service, not just a box to check on the fast track to elective office.

At a minimum, OPDEC’s decision reflects the “insider’s game” aspect of both political parties’ internal machinations — and some of their leaders’ near-total disconnect from voters.

In a larger sense, the 5th Circuit decision and the OPDEC endorsement reflect the “perfect storm” aspect of the Supreme Court’s guns-for-all interpretation of the Second Amendment and society’s evolving attitude toward citizens, candidates and public officials with checkered — or even criminal — pasts.

Not too long ago, state Sen. Troy Brown of Napoleonville resigned after two arrests for domestic battery, one in 2015 involving his “side friend” (his term) and one in 2016 involving his wife. Brown resigned in 2017 amid public outrage and in the face of near-certain expulsion by his Senate colleagues.

The Feb. 18 primary will likely see an extremely low turnout — it’s the Saturday of Mardi Gras weekend in New Orleans.

That evening, as Endymion float riders and revelers celebrate the megakrewe’s annual post-parade Extravaganza, we’ll learn if domestic abusers also have reason to celebrate — and Louisiana women have yet another reason to dread living here.

Clancy DuBos is Gambit weekly’s political editor and columnist and WWL-TV’s political analyst. Contact him at [email protected] .

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Book excerpt | The Shortest History of Democracy: The rise of monitory democracy

January 26, 2023 by www.moneycontrol.com Leave a Comment

“During the 1952 Indian general election, the first held after independence, conservatives claimed that women’s involvement in politics threatened ancient caste and gender hierarchies. They had a point: energised by democracy’s egalitarianism, women’s turnout in elections and contributions to public life have since been rising steadily, often outstripping men’s participation, as in the 2015 elections in Bihar, the country’s poorest state.” (Photo and caption from ‘The Shortest History of Democracy’)

At the heart of democracy is the idea of impermanence—the ability to change periodically to reflect what the people say they want.

In The Shortest History of Democracy —a 229-page book packed with facts and dates and traversing the globe to find large movements and transnational trends in democracy, starting with the first popular assemblies of 2500BC Syria-Mesopotamia—author John Keane writes: “Democracy often takes reality by surprise. It stands on the side of earthly miracles. The dramatic arrest and public execution of kings and tyrants, unplanned mutiny of disgruntled citizens, unexpected resistance to military rule and cliffhanger parliamentary votes are among the dramas that catch the living by surprise and leave those who come after fascinated by how and why such breakthroughs occurred.”

The book also charts the development of democracy, from assembly to electoral democracy and finally monitory democracy. Reproduced below is the section on “The rise of monitory democracy”:

Developments in Senegal, South Africa, Brazil and elsewhere showed that in the decades after 1945, democracy was no longer a white-skinned, Western affair – as it had been, say, when Lord James Bryce wrote his classic Modern Democracies in 1921, or when a Natal-based historian of democracy spoke john keane book cover of election-based, parliamentary government as ‘largely the outcome of the character and historical development of Englishmen’, unsuited to ‘states where the population does not display the same talents for, or interest in, the management of public affairs’.

Yes, broadly speaking, the many different species of democracies that sprang up on every continent still belonged to the genus called democracy, not just in name, but also in spirit. Political leaders and citizens who thought of themselves as democrats were still bound by respect for non-violent lawful government based on the consent of ‘the people’. They were suspicious of concentrated and unaccountable power; they were committed to the principle that all citizens are equals. But the indigenisation of democracy in environments radically different to the earlier parent electoral democracies of Western Europe, Spanish America and the United States was nevertheless remarkable.

India, soon to become known as the world’s ‘largest democracy’, was no liberal democracy, if that means American-style representative government founded on a large middle class, a free market economy and the spirit of possessive individualism. India’s tryst with democracy fundamentally challenged the presumption that economic growth is the core requirement of democracy – that free and fair elections are practical only when a majority of citizens owns or enjoys commodities such as cars, refrigerators and radios. Weighed down by destitution of heart-breaking proportions, millions of poor and illiterate people rejected the prejudice that a country must first be wealthy before it can be democratic. They decided instead that they could become materially stronger through democracy. Not only that: the Indian pathway to democracy bearded the woolly predictions of experts who said that French-style secularism, the compulsory retreat of religious myths into the private sphere, was necessary before hard-nosed democracy could happen. The Indian polity contains every major faith known to humanity and is home to hundreds of languages. Social complexity on this scale led Indian democrats to a new justification of democracy. It was no longer a means to protect a homogeneous society of equal individuals. It came to be regarded as the fairest way to enable people of different backgrounds and divergent group identities to live together harmoniously, as equals, without civil war.

India showed that the spirit and substance of democracy were alive globally in local sentiments, languages, institutions and shifting and contested forms of power. After 1945, democracy grew more grounded. But since then something else of historic importance – a transformation less obvious – has been happening: the growth of monitory democracy, a new form of self-government distinctively different from the assembly-based and electoral democracies of the past.

What is monitory democracy?

Why the adjective ‘monitory’ – which first entered English in the mid-fifteenth century (from the Latin monere, to warn, to advise) to refer to issuing a warning of an impending danger, or an admonition to check the content or quality of something, or to refrain from a foolish or offensive action? It is a form of democracy defined by the rapid growth of many new kinds of extra-parliamentary, power-scrutinising mechanisms: ‘guide dog’, ‘watchdog’ and ‘barking dog’ institutions. Monitory democracy includes practices such as election monitoring, workplace codetermination and participatory budgeting. It also includes bodies such as future generations commissions, bridge doctors, truth and reconciliation forums and coralreef monitoring networks. These monitory or public accountability mechanisms are newcomers in the history of democracy. They spring up in many different contexts and are not simply ‘Western’ inventions.

The rights of workers to elect representatives to their company’s governing boards in workplace codetermination schemes (Mitbestimmung) first happened in war-torn Germany in the 1940s. Participatory budgeting, in which citizens decide how to spend part of a public budget, is a Brazilian invention. Future generations commissions with statutory power to champion the rights of unborn citizens were born in Wales. Bridge doctors – volunteer teams of university engineering students checking the safety of city bridges – are a South Korean specialty. South Africa made truth and reconciliation forums famous. Coral-reef monitoring networks are a product of global cooperation.

These monitory bodies have taken root everywhere within the local and national fields of government and civil society, as well as in cross-border settings. As a result, the whole architecture of representative government is changing. The grip of elections, political parties and parliaments in shaping citizens’ lives and representing their interests is weakening. If electoral democracy rested on the principle of ‘one person, one vote, one representative’, the guiding ethic of monitory democracy is ‘one person, many interests, many voices, multiple votes, multiple representatives’. Under these new conditions, democracy means much more than elections. Within and outside states, independent and toothy watchdog bodies have begun to reshape the landscapes of power. By keeping corporations and elected governments, parties and politicians permanently on their toes, the new watchtowers question abuses of power, force governments and businesses to modify their agendas – and sometimes smother them in public disgrace.

Monitory democracy is the most complex and vibrant form of democracy yet. In the name of ‘people’, ‘the public’, ‘public accountability’ or ‘citizens’ – the terms are normally used interchangeably – power-challenging and power-tempering institutions are springing up all over the place. Corruption scandals and public outcries against monkey business are becoming the new normal. This does not mean that elections, political parties, legislatures and public assemblies are disappearing or declining in importance, but they are most definitely losing their pole position as hosts and drivers of politics. Democracy is no longer simply a way of handling and taming the power of elected governments, and no longer confined to territorial states. Gone are the days when democracy could be described, and in the next breath attacked, as an abuse of statistics, as ‘government by the unrestricted will of the majority’; or, in the oft-cited words of the Moravian-born economist Joseph Schumpeter (1883– 1950), the ‘institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the people’s vote’. The age of representative democracy is behind us. Whether we are talking about local, national or supranational government, or the world of non-governmental organisations and networks, those who wield power are now routinely subject to public monitoring and restraint by an assortment of extra-parliamentary bodies.

The advent of monitory democracy challenges earlier, election-centred understandings of democracy. It spells trouble as well for the commonsense view that democracy is essentially a method of controlling governments and taming state power. What’s remarkable is how the spirit and power-scrutinising mechanisms of monitory democracy spread ‘downwards’, into areas of social life previously untouched by democrats. Assembly democracies typically regarded power dynamics within households, and the treatment of women and slaves, as private matters. We saw how the age of representative democracy witnessed resistance to slavery and to the exclusion of women, workers and the colonised from elections. Elected governments intervened in such areas as healthcare and education. One thing that’s different about the age of monitory democracy is that it enables, as never before, organised public scrutiny and refusal of arbitrary power in the whole of social life. Matters such as workplace bullying, sexual harassment, racial and gender discrimination, animal abuse, homelessness, disability and data harvesting all become central themes of democratic politics.

Parties, parliaments and elected governments are typically reactive to such issues. Monitory bodies and networks therefore become the true drivers of politics. They help deepen democracy. Its spirit of equality and openness spreads through social life and across state borders. For the first time in the history of democracy, not surprisingly, ‘civil society’ is a phrase routinely used by democrats at every point on our planet. Monitory democracy springs up wherever there are abuses of power. Uncontested rule in areas ranging from family life to employment is checked – if and when it’s checked – not just by elected representatives in government, but also by a host of new institutions that remind millions of citizens of a simple but perennial truth: democracy requires colossal transformations of people’s daily lives. Their habits of heart and everyday routines must grow more allergic to abuse of power. To stand against bossing and bullying, people need to nurture the spirit of democracy within, as well as to spread it and keep it alive in others. Citizens must be confident that they themselves are the source of power of the institutions that govern their lives; that government and other bodies indeed rest upon the consent of the governed; and that when they withdraw their consent from these institutions and demand alternatives, things can change for the better, even if only in the smallest of ways.

Excerpted here is the section The rise of monitory democracy, from The Shortest History of Democracy by John Keane, with permission from Pan Macmillan India .

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